以前在美國大學學習政治課這必修科的時侯,導師總會指出新罕布夏州是總统初選最重要的指標,因為只要奪取了此州的提名便能爭取媒體及其重要選民的垂青。但2008的初選可能是一個例外。迄今為止民主共和兩黨初選形勢仍然大亂,新州的指標己大不如前了。
況且,為了得到更大的發言權,不少州份不惜將其黨內初選提前。一些州份更組成聯盟一起在同一天初選,其希望能集腋成裘向未來總統索取一點政治利益以換取選票彰彰明甚。可惜,她們的如意算盤可能打不響了。正如我們參加平價歐洲旅行團一樣,在五天內能「暢遊」七個國家,大部份景點也只能是走馬看花。同理,為了省點競選資源,不少侯選人可能己旋風的方式走訪數個重要州份便算了。還有就是本人隱隱覺得本年的初選是美國史上另一次大整合 (a realigning election),一切歷史的數據及傳統不再管用,政黨的板塊又再一次移動。筆著預計,過了二月五曰超級星期二,初選形勢仍然會不明朗。
看來,陰差陽錯,最遲才初選的州份如德克薩斯州及賓夕凡尼亞州反而是關鍵性的州份。政治有時就是這樣詭變莫測。
2008年1月27日
2008年1月23日
如斯議員? 國家那有不走下坡之道理?
在一政府預算聽證會上,一俄亥俄州眾議員Marcy Kaptur在質詢聯儲局主席伯南克時竟大出洋相,以下是其精釆絕倫的對答:
KAPTUR: Number three, seeing as how you were the former CEO of Goldman Sachs, what percentage level -- oh, investment -- were you not...
BERNANKE: No, you're confusing me with the Treasury Secretary.
KAPTUR: I got the wrong firm?
BERNANKE: Yes.
KAPTUR: Paulson. Oh, OK. Where were you, sir?
BERNANKE: I was a CEO of the Princeton Economics Department.
KAPTUR: Oh, Princeton. Oh, all right. Sorry. Sorry.
(LAUGHTER)
I got you confused with the other one. I'm sorry. Well, I'm glad you clarified that for the record.
連財政部長跟聯儲局主席也分不清,如斯議員? 國家經濟那有不走下坡之道理?
KAPTUR: Number three, seeing as how you were the former CEO of Goldman Sachs, what percentage level -- oh, investment -- were you not...
BERNANKE: No, you're confusing me with the Treasury Secretary.
KAPTUR: I got the wrong firm?
BERNANKE: Yes.
KAPTUR: Paulson. Oh, OK. Where were you, sir?
BERNANKE: I was a CEO of the Princeton Economics Department.
KAPTUR: Oh, Princeton. Oh, all right. Sorry. Sorry.
(LAUGHTER)
I got you confused with the other one. I'm sorry. Well, I'm glad you clarified that for the record.
連財政部長跟聯儲局主席也分不清,如斯議員? 國家經濟那有不走下坡之道理?
你的名字是Goldman Sachs Part II
高盛在次按一役不但能成功抽身而出,反過來能從中取利,這段奇聞看來仍在華爾街持續發酵。例如,Bloomberg專欄作家Michael Lewis最近便發表了一編鴻文探討高盛的過人之處。其中有一段頗堪咀嚼,現列之於左:
From now on, the ordinary traders and salesmen at Goldman Sachs can beaver away knowing that their opinions and judgments about the markets in which they operate are basically irrelevant. The guys at the top of the firm are making the market calls, and if the guys at the top disagree with them, well, they'll just take the other side of their trades. But then, why do you need the traders? And what happens when the guys at the top of the firm are wrong?
一言以蔽之,高盛這次的成功全因在上位的有一言堂之獨裁權力,再加上其過人才智,所以這次危機能化險為夷。但是幸運之神是不會常伴左右的。What happens when the guys at the top of the firm are wrong? God knows.
From now on, the ordinary traders and salesmen at Goldman Sachs can beaver away knowing that their opinions and judgments about the markets in which they operate are basically irrelevant. The guys at the top of the firm are making the market calls, and if the guys at the top disagree with them, well, they'll just take the other side of their trades. But then, why do you need the traders? And what happens when the guys at the top of the firm are wrong?
一言以蔽之,高盛這次的成功全因在上位的有一言堂之獨裁權力,再加上其過人才智,所以這次危機能化險為夷。但是幸運之神是不會常伴左右的。What happens when the guys at the top of the firm are wrong? God knows.
2008年1月16日
八年功過,布殊總统為美國留下什麼?
當人們將其視點放在共和、民主兩黨的黨內初選之際,評論界己悄悄地為牛仔總統蓋棺定論。而以下這編文章最合筆者的心意:
需則本人並不盡同意以上所有觀點,但個人認為殊仔總统是在美國短短數百年歷史中,將Buddy Cronyism發揮得最淋漓盡致的一位!
By abjectly failing to compensate or cushion the "losers" from globalization -- whether by boosting safety nets, improving healthcare, or investing significant resources in education and training -- the Bush administration guaranteed a growing groundswell of political opposition to global trade.
And by failing to properly oversee financial markets, it provided an opportunity for foreign governments that may not share "American" values to become significant players in the heart of the global financial system. Talk about your legacies! The Bush administration not only may have crippled the Republican Party for a generation, but it also might have broken the free market! Whoops!
需則本人並不盡同意以上所有觀點,但個人認為殊仔總统是在美國短短數百年歷史中,將Buddy Cronyism發揮得最淋漓盡致的一位!
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